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II. Désislamisation, réislamisation et choix de langues

Secularism in Turkey as a Nationalist Search for Vernacular Islam

The Ban on the Call to Prayer in Arabic (1932-1950)
Laïcité en Turquie ou la visée nationaliste d’un islam vernaculaire : l’interdiction de faire l’appel à la prière en arabe (1932-1950).
Umut Azak
p. 161-179

Résumés

Cet article analyse une réforme du régime kémaliste qui, dans les années 1933-1950, a imposé la récitation de l’appel à la prière en turc et a interdit la version arabe originelle. Cette réforme reflétait la pression nationaliste visant à créer un islam national non affecté par la langue et les traditions culturelles arabes. L’interdiction de l’appel à la prière en arabe faisait partie d’un programme nationaliste plus vaste qui visait à turquifier tous les domaines culturels y compris la religion, et à promouvoir un islam vernaculaire purifié de tout élément étranger. Cette intervention allait dans le sens de la laïcité officielle, car cette dernière ne signifiait pas l’exclusion totale de l’islam de la sphère publique, mais plutôt son contrôle et son soutien tant qu’il demeurait loyal vis-à-vis de l’État moderniste.

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Texte intégral

1Secularism in Turkey is marked by the state's control over religion rather than a complete institutional separation between the two (Dâver, 1955; Toprak, 1981; Parla and Davison, 2004: 104). Although the republican state, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881-1938), rejected Islam as the basis of its legitimacy and radically secularized the legal, political and cultural spheres in the 1920s, it has never had a neutral position vis-à-vis different faiths. The Kemalist regime not only wanted to control religion, but also promoted a national and Sunni Islam rendered compatible with the modern nation-state. In this respect, Kemalists were heirs to the Ottoman Young Turks' instrumentalist and reformist approach to Islam. They adopted their predecessors' dream of a pure, Turkish Islam, which was redefined as a matter of individual conscience (vicdan) and hence made congruous with the westernization project (Davison, 1998: 134-88; Parla and Davison, 2004: 108). The Directorate of Religious Affairs (DRA) has been the main official instrument for disseminating this « state Islam » throughout the country. As an organization under direct supervision of the Prime Minister, it appointed imams, preachers and supervised müftüs (muftis) as well as distributing the Friday sermons to the mosques throughout the country (Usta, 2005).

2In Turkey, secularism (lâiklik > from French laïcité) has been in continuity with the Ottoman tradition of integrating and subordinating Islam to the requirements of the state. As in other Muslim-majority nations of the Middle East, Kemalists accommodated Islam into their nationalist ideology instead of replacing it (Bozarslan, 2000; Asad, 2003). What appeared to be a secular bias was in fact the redefinition and instrumentalization of religion by secular nationalism. Kemalist secularism attempted to reconstruct Islam as a national, rational and individual religion. This « reformist » discourse was reflected clearly in the speeches of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, for instance when he explained the rationale for the abolition of the Caliphate in his Speech in 1927: « The faith of Islam should be purified and raised from the political situation in which it has been put for centuries » (Parla and Davison, 2004 : 108). Or during a speech he made in İzmir in January 1923:

“Our religion is a most reasonable and most natural religion, and it is precisely for this reason that it has been the last religion. In order for a religion to be natural, it should conform to reason, technology, science, and logic. Our religion is totally compatible with these (ibid: 110).”

3As also shown by Parla and Davison, the dichotomy, that is the « distinction made between 'pure' Islam and impure Islam tainted by its entanglement in political affairs » is crucial for Kemalist secularism (ibid: 109). The reform of Turkifying the call to prayer in 1932-1933 projected this will to a « pure », vernacular Islam.

4The call to prayer (ezan or Ar. adhân), the standard announcement for the call to the service on Friday and the five daily ritual prayers (namaz, or Ar. salât) has always been recited in Turkey and everywhere in the world in Arabic (Juynboll, 1987). However, in the 1930s and 1940s, the Kemalist regime in Turkey was committed to end this tradition. The recitation of the call to prayer was in Turkish until June 16, 1950 when the National Assembly amended the law which banned its performance in Arabic. With this amendment, the Turkish call to prayer (ezan) ceased to be compulsory and the original Arabic one was no longer subject to legal penalty.

  • 1 Quoted in Erdoğan, 2001 : 256.
  • 2 Milliyet, September 29, 2006.

5Defenders of Kemalist secularism have since referred to the year 1950 as the beginning of the period of regression. In other words, rather than the content of the reform, its ending has been emblematic for Kemalists as the beginning of secularism's period of decay and its retreat from the Kemalist principles. It is regarded as the first concession to the anti-secularist counter-revolutionary forces. For instance, on July 18, 1996, the Society for Kemalist Thought issued a press release to commemorate the 66th anniversary of the termination of the Turkish call to prayer (ezan), as « the first reform which became the victim of fanaticism ».1 More recently, the Commander of Naval Forces, during a speech he made in September 2006 for the opening ceremony of the Military Naval Academy in Tuzla, Istanbul, mourned for this forgotten Kemalist reform. The Commander Vice Admiral Yener Karahanoğlu stated to military students that the Muslim-Turkish nation could read and understand the Koran in its own language only thanks to the Kemalist secular regime, and that the « Turkish ezan was a concession given to counter-revolutionaries ».2 It is difficult not only for an outside observer but also for an ordinary citizen in today's Turkey to grasp the relationship between these statements about the call to prayer in Turkish and secularism. The following pages explore the historical roots and the ideological package behind the ban on the Arabic call to prayer, and shed light on the significance of this reform for Kemalist secularism.

The pre-republican background

6The issue of the Turkish call to prayer can be understood in the context of the earlier and larger debate on the language of worship in Islam. There was no parallel in Islamic countries to the reformation movements in Europe which led to the replacement of Latin by vernacular languages. The language of worship in Islam has remained, at least generally, Arabic, which is the unifying language of the Islamic community (ümmet). Among Turks who mostly adopted the Sunni school of thought the original Arabic text of the Koran has been used during ritual worship. The use of Turkish was limited to Mevlid, which is a famous poem by Süleyman Çelebi (1351-1422) on the Prophet's birth and life, recited especially on the birthday of the Prophet, as well as on other religious days, and at circumcisions, marriages and memorial ceremonies.

7This did not mean that the Koran was inaccessible to Turks who could not read Arabic. The first translation of the Koran was made in the first half of the eleventh century in Western Turkistan (İnan, 1961: 8). The Koran was translated into Turkish in the form of exegeses (meâl) or commentaries (tefsir), though not as a substitute for the original text. After 1908, two commentaries on the Koran were published by Şeyhülislam Musa Kâzım (1858-1920) and İzmirli İsmail Hakkı (1869-1946), although they could be published only in part. İslâm Mecmuası (Islam Magazine), the Islamic magazine funded by the Young Turk government from 1914 onwards for promoting the reform of Islam, published translations of the Koran at the top of the first page of every issue (Arai, 1992: 82, 90). Besides, Mehmet Âkif [Ersoy] (1873-1936), a writer and poet with Islamist inclination whose poem was to be chosen as the text of the national anthem in 1921, also wrote articles in the magazine Sebilürreşad (Fountain of the Right Path) where he interpreted some verses of the Koran (Düzdağ, 1987: 278).

8However, the use of the Turkish translation in worship was another issue. As Islam began to be seen as a mobilizing ideology, the language used during worship gained a special significance. The demands for using Turkish in worship began to be expressed already in the 19th century with the gradual spread of printing presses. Ali Suavi (1839-1878), a Tanzimat intellectual whose ideas can be depicted as proto-nationalism imbued with Islamism, was the first person to publicly defend the use of Turkish in worship (Ülken, 1999: 79-80; Mardin, 1962: 374; cf. Çelik, 1994: 586-87, 596, 640-41; Abbaslı, 2002: 86). In his journal Ulûm, aiming to popularize science, literature and art, Ali Suavi defended the idea that the verses and invocations in ritual prayer (namaz) and the Friday sermon (hutbe) could be recited in Turkish. During the reign of Sultan Abdulhamit II, who had appointed him as the director of the High School of Galatasaray (Mekteb-i Sultânî), he even gave sermons in Turkish in the Ayasofya and Beyazıt mosques (Akgün, 1980 : 106).

9The issue of worship in Turkish was raised by Ziya Gökalp (1876-1924), the leading ideologue of Turkish nationalism in the 1910s. Gökalp defended nationalizing Islam by replacing Arabic with Turkish as the language of ritual. He made the motto « nationalism in religion » (Dinî Türkçülük) part of the program of nationalism that he depicted in his book titled « Principles of Turkism » (Türkçülüğün Esasları). Gökalp defined nationalism in religion in this way « to have the books of religion and sermons in Turkish ». He stated that the Koran and prayers (dua) during every worship and ceremony had to be in Turkish so that the nation could understand the real essence of its religion and could get a greater spiritual pleasure and relief. He supported his program also by referring to the İmam-ı Âzam (699-767), the founder of the Hanefi school (the dominant school of Islamic law in Turkey), who had permitted the conduct of the ritual prayer in national languages. Gökalp believed in the need to recite all rituals prayers as well as all kinds of prayers and sermons in Turkish (Gökalp, 1963: 118-19). His poem titled « Fatherland » (Vatan) and written in 1918 is the expression of his program of nationalism in religion:

  • 3 Translation is mine. The Turkish original of the poem reads : Bir ülke ki camiinde Türkçe ezan okun (...)

A country where a Turkish call to prayer is recited in its mosques,
And peasants understand the meaning of the prayer…
A country where the Turkish Koran is recited in its schools,
And everybody knows the orders of the Lord…
O Turk! That is your fatherland! 3

10Besides Ziya Gökalp, there were other Young Turks such as Ubeydullah Efendi (1858-1937) who defended the idea that Muslims needed to read the Koran in their own language so as to understand its meaning as early as 1921 (Akpınar, 2003 ; Alkan, 1989). Ubeydullah Efendi insisted on the vernacularization of Islam for « knowing » Islam in order to become better Muslims. For Gökalp, however, this had to be done in order to be a « Turk ». This nationalist reformism was shared by İsmail Hakkı [Baltacıoğlu] (1886-1978), a scholar and educationist and Dr. Reşit Galip (1897-1934), medical doctor, deputy of Aydın in 1925 and the Minister of Education between 1932-1933), who also followed Ziya Gökalp by using the mottoes of « Turkifying Islam » (İslam'ı Türkleştirmek) and "National Islam" (Millî Müslümanlık) (Cündioğlu, 1998 : 97).

  • 4 Mustafa Sabri served as the last Şeyhülislam in 1919-1920 and because of his opposition to the nati (...)

11While nationalist intellectuals endeavored to refashion a Turkish culture distinct from the rest of the Islamic world, religious intellectuals objected to such attempts. The debate had been deadlocked from the beginning, as the latter never believed that nationalists were sincere in their approach to Islam. They did not oppose the translation of the Koran, per se, as long as it was published as tefsir or meâl, and was not considered as a substitute for the original text. The project of Ziya Gökalp was criticized for instance by Mustafa Sabri (1869-1954).4 In his book « Religious Reformers » (Dinî Müceddidler, 1922), Mustafa Sabri took the position that what was inadmissible (caiz olmayan) was not to translate the Koran into Turkish, but to recite translations of the Koran during the ritual prayer (namaz) (Ergin, 1977: 1924). In the same book, he criticized reformist demands for changing the language of sermons to Turkish as an attempt to gradually remove Arabic (Kara, 1997: 410-11). He argued that his aim was not to Arabize the Turks, as he was often accused of by nationalists, but to keep the Arabic language as the common language uniting the universal Islamic community (ümmet). Unlike those who accepted Arabic as a holy and superior language uniting the different groups within the ümmet, nationalists perceived it as a threat to the supremacy of the Turkish language. The use of Turkish in worship would, according to nationalists, render the word of God more accessible to Turks and lead to the elimination of superstitious beliefs which obstructed the progress of the society. The rational essence of Islam would be unveiled through the Turkification of worship.

Kemalism and reform in religion (Din İnkılâbı)

12Kemalists inherited the Young Turks' motive to reform Islam, and to refashion a Turkish Islam as part of their nationalist project. The attempt to Turkify rituals was part of this project, as documented in detail by Cündioğlu (1998; 1999). The Friday sermon (hutbe) was the first Islamic ritual Mustafa Kemal wanted to reform. During the Ottoman period, Friday sermons were in Arabic and intoned melodiously by an orator (hatip) - preferably talented in music and chanting (Manaz, 1995: 206-7). The hatip was appointed by the state, and, in some mosques, he was accompanied by a functionary named kürsü şeyhi (sheikh of the pulpit), who was charged with translating the Arabic sermon into Turkish (Ergin, 1977: 219). From 1908 onwards, this tradition of reciting Arabic sermons was often criticized by intellectuals who stressed the importance of sermons in enlightening the people (Cündioğlu, 1999: 31-40).

13During the independence war of 1921-1922, while the first part of the sermon, mentioning the prophet, his companions and the caliphs, continued to be in Arabic, sermons began to be used for mobilizing popular support for the national government. Prayers in Arabic were followed in these sermons by subjects such as the « exultation of the new government, the Grand National Assembly, and the principle of the integral sovereignty of the nation. Thus it gave the national movement a religious consecration in the eyes of the believing population.» (Erdican, 1974: 18). As a matter of fact, in his speech on the occasion of the opening of the National Assembly on March 1, 1922, Mustafa Kemal, the leader of the national struggle, referred to mosques as centers of spiritual nourishment for the people, and he stressed the importance of reciting sermons in a language comprehensible to the people (Atatürk'ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, 1989: 295; Manaz, 1995: 207).

  • 5 This sermon was also included in a book which was published in the same year : Gazi M. Kemal Paşa H (...)

14In 1923, Mustafa Kemal once again expressed the need to introduce Turkish into the mosque when he addressed the congregation following the Friday prayer in the Zağanos Paşa Mosque in Balıkesir. His sermon was published in the newspapers on February 8, 1923.5 Mustafa Kemal said to the congregation:

“… (T)he style of current sermons does not fit our nation's feelings, ideas and language as well as the needs of the civilization. In case you read the sermons of our Prophet and the rightly guided caliphs, you will see that all these are about daily matters related with military, administrative, fiscal and political issues. … That sermons were recited in a language which was not understood by the people and their contents had nothing to do with our current necessities and needs was to force us to obey as slaves the oppressors, who were named caliph or sultan. Sermons are meant to enlighten and guide the people, and nothing else. To recite sermons of a hundred, two hundred, or even one thousand years ago is to leave the people in a state of ignorance and negligence. … Therefore, sermons should and will be totally in Turkish and suitable to the requirements of the day.”

  • 6 Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Cumhuriyet Arşivi (DAGMCA), Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı Fonu, Fon Ko (...)
  • 7 DAGMCA, Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı Fonu, Fon Kodu: 51..0.0.0, Yer No: 2.13..5. ; DAGMCA, Diyânet İşl (...)

15This sermon, which has been cited in later periods as the proof of his belief in the liberating potential of worship in one's own language, reflected Mustafa Kemal's instrumentalist approach to religion. The admonition sections (mev'iza ve nasihat) of Friday sermons were critical in the transmission of the republican state's messages to the people. Some concrete changes were made in the content of the sermons in 1924. The first change made by the government was to remove the prayer for the Caliph, whose position was abolished in that year. In the new version, the prayer (dua) would be devoted not to the «peace and happiness » (selâmet ve saadet) of the Caliph, but to the « nation and the Republic».6 In 1925, because of the changes in the content of the sermons, and some deputies' demand for translating the preaching section of sermons, the Directorate of Religious Affairs (DRA) began to prepare a sermon journal (hutbe mecmuası) and to dispatch its copies to the local administrators of the DRA (müftüs) all over the country.7 The first book, which was published in 1925 under the title « My New Sermons » (Yeni Hutbelerim), was prepared by the vice-chair of the DRA, Ahmet Hamdi Akseki (1887-1951), and republished in 1927 and 1936. These « sermons » were to be read after the prayer part of the sermon in Arabic, as the chair of the DRA, Mehmet Rifat [Börekçi] (1860-1941), stated in the preface of the book that only the admonition part of the sermon could be in Turkish (Cündioğlu, 1999 : 236, fn. 1). These official sermons reflected the Kemalist regime's use of Islam in the service of the nation-state as they emphasized, for instance, the importance of national service as a holy duty or making calls for donating alms (zekat) to the Aviation Society (Teyyare Cemiyeti).

16The use of the Turkish language in worship was debated in the early years of the Republic. Ziya Gökalp had died in 1924, but his intellectual legacy marked the public debates in the first years of the Republic. Several articles defending the ritual prayer in Turkish were published in newspapers in 1925 and 1926 (Cündioğlu, 1999: 195-98, 204-10, 229-31). The DRA's position was at this stage not at all in line with the nationalist approach to Islam (ibid: 232-34). Besides, the question of which translation was to be used in worship could not be answered. At least seven translations of the Koran were published under the titles Kur'an-ı Kerim Tercümesi or Terceme-i Şerife from 1924 to 1927 (Ergin, 1977 : 1927-31 ; Altuntaş, 2005 : 58-103). Nevertheless, none of these translations was officially recognized by the DRA as an appropriate source. One among them, that of Colonel Cemil Said (Dikel), was from the French translation made by M. Kasimirski (Cemil Said, 1924). This translation was later to be used in 1932 and 1933 during the public recitations of the Koran in Turkish upon the order of Mustafa Kemal.

  • 8 The report can be found in Jäschke, 1972 : 40-42 ; Ergin, 1977 : 1958-61 ; Albayrak, 1991 : 34-35. (...)

17On June 20, 1928, the newspaper Vakit published a report of a committee of experts from the Theological Faculty at the University of Istanbul on « reform in religion » (dinde ıslahât), which included a clause on the need to conduct worship in Turkish.8 The committee was chaired by the head of the Theological Faculty, Fuad Köprülü (1890-1966), a prominent historian and a student of Ziya Gökalp. However, the report was written mainly by one of the committee members, İsmail Hakkı [Baltacıoğlu], and was published without the approval of all the members (Cündioğlu, 1999: 79-92; Ergin, 1977: 1961-63). This report and its suggestion about worshipping in Turkish did not get backing from Mustafa Kemal and hence had no official result (cf. ibid: 1938; Heyd, 1979: 122; Rustow, 1957: 79; Tunçay, 1999: 22-23). Nevertheless, the project of reform in religion was never given up but postponed. As a matter of fact, the reforms of worship in Turkish in 1932 and 1933 proved that Mustafa Kemal never gave up his nationalist urge to reform Islam, as long as he could keep it under the government's control.

The birth of the Turkish ezan

  • 9 The Society for the Study of the Turkish Language, which later became the Turkish Language Society (...)

18The project of « nationalization in religion » gained a new impetus in 1932, this time with the direct initiative of Mustafa Kemal. Neither the officials of the DRA had changed nor, probably, had their ideas about the unacceptability of prayer in Turkish. What became different in the 1930s was the Kemalist leadership's belief and their decisiveness in reforming the Islamic practice by Turkifying the ritual. This reform was in fact a part of the project of making Turkish dominant in all cultural fields.9 Among the measures of this Turkification program were the introduction of Western numerals instead of Arabic ones in May 1928, and the replacement of the Arabic script by a new script composed of Latin characters in November of the same year. These reforms were attempts to separate Turkish society from its Ottoman and Middle Eastern traditions and to reorient it towards the west (Zürcher, 1997: 197).

19The adoption of westernization in the cultural field was a nationalist reaction to the dominance of the Arabic language. This dominance of Arabic, according to Mustafa Kemal, impeded the national consciousness of Turks. During the preparation of the textbook « Civic Guidelines for Citizens » under his supervision in 1930, Mustafa Kemal added paragraphs under the section « The Nation », which reflected his contempt for the use of Arabic in worship. He stated that the « religion of Arabs » (in later editions of the book this was replaced by « religion of Islam ») had diminished the national sentiments of Turks who began to worship not in their own language but in Arabic without knowing what they say to God (Âfetinan, 2000: 448-50).

  • 10 The list he prepared included Hafız Sadettin Kaynak, Sultan Selimli Ali Rıza (Sağman), Beşiktaşlı H (...)
  • 11 The word Tanrı or Teñri was used in pre-Islamic religions of Turks, as well as in the first transla (...)
  • 12 Sağman was in fact against the recitation of the call to prayer in a language other than Arabic, al (...)

20Memoirs of persons who prepared and recited the call to prayer in Turkish prove that the project of the Turkish ezan was initiated directly by Mustafa Kemal. Hafız Yaşar (Okur) (1885-1966), who was the chief musician of the official music company of the President of the Republic (Riyaset-i Cumhur İncesaz Heyeti Şefi) until 1930, was one of them. Hafız Yaşar describes in his memoirs the details of the preparations for the Turkish call to prayer in the Dolmabahçe Palace under the command of Mustafa Kemal (Okur, 1963). On the second day of the month of Ramadan in 1932, Mustafa Kemal wanted Hafız Yaşar to prepare a list of distinguished reciters of the Koran (hafız). Hafız Yaşar prepared a list of eight hafız, whom were all invited to the Palace the following day.10 The deputy of Bolu, Cemil, and the Minister of Education, Reşit Galip, welcomed them in the palace and wanted them to recite the tekbir (the expression « God is great ») in Turkish, as « Allah büyüktür ». Hafız Ali Rıza (Sağman), however, objected to this translation and insisted on using the word « Tanrı » instead of « Allah » (Okur, 1963 : 12).11 While none of the hafız was convinced of this argument, Mustafa Kemal preferred the version that Hafız Ali Rıza suggested: « Tanrı uludur » (Okur, 1963: 14; Sağman, 1950: 101-5).12

  • 13 The newspapers of the following days wrote that Hafız Yaşar would recite the Turkish Koran in the Y (...)
  • 14 Cumhuriyet, January 25-28, 1932.

21The following evening, the same group of hafız gathered again in the palace, and read the opening chapter (Fatiha suresi) from the Turkish Koran, the translation by Cemil Said, in the presence of Mustafa Kemal. He told them that it was important that people understand what they listen to and wanted them to read the Turkish translation of the final prayers that they were going to recite during the service in the mosque (Okur, 1963: 14). He also ordered Reşit Galip (Minister of Education) and Kılıç Ali (1888-1971) (deputy of Antep) to announce to the press that the following day Hafız Yaşar would read the translation of the Koran and to organize this ceremony in several other mosques from January 22 onwards.13 The Istanbul-based newspaper Cumhuriyet announced and reported these ceremonies which attracted many people who wanted to listen to the Koran in Turkish and « were all - both men and women - deeply delighted to have understood the meaning of what was recited ».14 The same reports also published the texts of those parts of the Koran which were recited in these ceremonies.

  • 15 See a letter written by Hasan Cemil Çambel, a witness to the recital of the call to prayer at the A (...)
  • 16 Cumhuriyet, February 3, 1932.

22Mustafa Kemal ordered the recitation of the Turkish Koran this time by a group of ten hafızs at the Sultan Ahmet Mosque on Friday, January 29, and later at the Ayasofya Mosque on Thursday on the night of the 27th day of Ramadan (Kadir Gecesi) traditionally celebrated as the night when the Koran began to be revealed (ibid : 19-20).15 The ceremony at the Ayasofya Mosque (on February 3, 1932), was especially important because the Mevlid which would be recited for the first time by Hafız Saadettin [Kaynak] (1895-1961) and the Turkish Koran would be broadcast on radio. A group of twenty-five hafız would recite the Turkish Koran after the ritual prayer in the evening.16 It is reported that 70,000 people attended the ceremony, most of whom were unable to enter the mosque. Because of the great interest of the people, the recitation of the part of the Turkish Koran began to be repeated in almost all mosques of Istanbul after all ritual prayers. All these ceremonies, however, were coordinated by the DRA which permitted only those it licensed (Cündioğlu, 1998: 152).

  • 17 The reason why these trials did not continue is not known. There are only speculations about possib (...)

23The Friday sermon too was officially read fully in Turkish, including the prayers, for the first time on February 5, 1932 by Hafız Saadeddin in the Süleymaniye Mosque (ibid: 157; Jäschke, 1972: 44). Nevertheless, neither the recitation of the Turkish Koran nor that of the fully-Turkish sermon was repeated in later years.17 Only the recital of the call to prayer in Turkish became a permanent practice which was imposed by the state.

  • 18 Cumhuriyet, January 31, 1932 (also in Cündioğlu, 1998 : 148). Lewis and Jäschke wrongly stated that (...)
  • 19 This translation was published later in an Istanbul newspaper, Milliyet, October 23, 1932; Vakit, N (...)

24The call to prayer was recited for the first time in Turkish by Hafız Rıfat from the minaret of the Fatih Mosque on January 30, 1932.18 The state promoted the Turkish ezan and its nation-wide performance in the following months. The DRA sent an edict to all mosques in the country on July 18, 1932, determining the obligatory Turkish version of the call to prayer (Gez Başak, 1996-1997: 161). The final version of the new call to prayer read as below:19

Tanrı uludur (4 times)
Şüphesiz bilirim, bildiririm
Tanrıdan başka yoktur tapacak
(2)
Şüphesiz bilirim, bildiririm
Tanrının elçisidir Muhammed
(2)
Haydin namaza (2)
Haydin felâha (2)
Namaz uykudan hayırlıdır (2) (only for the morning ezan)
Tanrı uludur (2)
Tanrıdan başka yoktur tapacak (1)

  • 20 Vakit, October 20, 1932 ; Milliyet, October 20 and 23, 1932. The committee appointed the tanbur pla (...)
  • 21 Milliyet, January 2, 1933.
  • 22 The text of the circular can be found in Ceylan, 1996b: 102.
  • 23 There is another related document in the State Archives which is from a later date, the DRA's circu (...)
  • 24 Milliyet, March 15, 1933.

25Upon the request of the DRA, the müftü of Istanbul appealed to the academy of music to compose the Turkish call to prayer. The committee in the academy decided to use different tunes at five different times of the ezan.20 From November 27, 1932 onwards, reciters of the call to prayer (müezzin) in Istanbul were given courses on the recitation of the Turkish ezan (ibid). The aim was to initiate the compulsory performance of the new ezan and the kamet (the call to prayer which is recited in the mosque before the prayer) in all mosques during the month of Ramadan which would begin on December 29, 1932. It was reported on January 2, 1932 by the newspaper Milliyet that almost half of the 1.200 müezzins in Istanbul had been successful in the courses of the new ezan.21 The chair of the DRA announced on February 4, 1933, that müezzins who hesitated in reciting the Turkish ezan would be penalized,22 and the DRA announced on March 6, 1933, that the salâtüselâm, usually recited before the Friday ritual prayer and in order to announce someone's death, had to be in Turkish. The public recitation of the tekbir after funeral prayers also had to be done in Turkish. Those who did not recite these Turkish versions would be punished according to Article 526 of the Penal Law (Jäschke, 1972 : 45-46 ; Cündioğlu, 1998 : 100-1 ; Gez Başak 1996-1997 : 162).23 The Turkish versions of the tekbir and three possible versions of the Turkish salâtüselâm, which were determined by the DRA, were also published in the newspapers.24 The Turkish tekbir read as follows:

Tanrı Uludur Tanrı Uludur.
Tanrıdan başka Tanrı yoktur.
Tanrı Uludur Tanrı Uludur.
Hamd O’na mahsustur.

  • 25 Cumhuriyet, March 3, 1933 (Gez Başak, 1996-1997 : 162).
  • 26 Bayur was the deputy of Manisa in 1933 and the Minister of Education between October 1933 and July (...)
  • 27 The original text of the report written on March 5, 1934 by Şerafettin Yaltkaya and İzmirli İsmail (...)

26The newspaper Cumhuriyet reported in March 1933 that from February 1933 onwards the Turkish call to prayer had begun to be recited all over the country.25 The DRA tried to spread the new version. In 1933 and 1934, at least two books which included the new call to prayer as well as the transcriptions of some important prayers - used during the five daily prayers, namaz - were published in Istanbul in Latin script (Selâmi Münir, 1933; Amme ve Salâvâtı Şerife, 1934). The Minister of Education, Hikmet Bayur (1881-1980),26 who replaced Reşit Galip in 1933, also commissioned a report on the possibility of reciting the Turkish translation of the Koran during the ritual prayers in 1934.27 This report argued that the expression of the Koran's meaning in any language was possible, on the basis of the opinion of the İmam-ı Âzam (of the Hanefi school) who had permitted the conduct of ritual prayers in one's own language. The latter's argument was that the meaning of the Koran was essential rather than its wording. Hence it could be expressed in any language. However, this theological legitimation of the official promotion of worship in Turkish did not garner any popular support for the Turkish ezan.

Resistance to the Turkish ezan (1932-1945)

  • 28 Vakit, February 6, 1933.
  • 29 This Directorate, namely Evkaf Umum Müdürlüğü, was responsible for the direct administration of rel (...)
  • 30 Vakit, February 8, 1933. According to the account of Yücer, which does not indicate the source, Mus (...)
  • 31 Vakit, February 9, 11 and 12, 1933.
  • 32 Cumhuriyet, March 21, 1933.

27There were signs of resistance to this innovation of the Turkish ezan. Two public protests against it were recorded in the 1930s. Four days after the ezan commission's meeting at the Government building in Bursa, a certain Sadık preached against the Turkish ezan at the Ulu Mosque in the center of Bursa on November 16, 1932 (Jäschke, 1972: 45). There was a public protest again in Bursa, known as the « Bursa Incident » on February 1, 1933 (ibid; Özek, 1968: 160; Cündioğlu, 1998: 106; Yücer, 1947: 5-6). On the day of the incident, when the müezzin of the Ulu Mosque was absent, both the ezan and the kamet were recited in Arabic by two men from the mosque congregation. The one who recited the Arabic ezan from the minaret was interrogated by a policeman whose action led to a debate within the congregation. Another one shouted: « What is this! Why do they oppress us, while Jews can worship freely in their synagogues and Christians in their churches? Let's go and explain our problem ».28 The group, 80-90 persons according to the news agency reporting the event, led by a certain Kazanlı İbrahim, who had recited the Arabic kamet, walked from the mosque to the local Directorate of Pious Foundations (Evkaf Müdürlüğü)29 and demanded the recital of the call to prayer be made in Arabic. The Director of the Pious Foundations sent the group to the office of the governor, but because the governor was not there the group waited for him on the stairs of the building. The police reported this event to Ankara by telegram indicating that there was « some reactionary activity (irtica) » in Bursa. Mustafa Kemal learned about the event on his way to İzmir, and immediately went to Bursa. In the notification he gave to the news agency, Anadolu Ajansı, he stated that the incident was based on an issue of language, not of religion. He also added: « The national language and the national personality of the Turkish nation are sovereign and essential in all its life ». Mustafa Kemal stayed in Bursa only one night.30 However, the incident in Bursa was soon framed as a reactionary event against the Turkish ezan. Telegrams from mayors all around Turkey to the President of the Republic, protesting against the reactionaries in Bursa and expressing their support for the Turkish ezan, began to be published in newspapers.31 Investigations of the incident resulted in the arrest of several persons, including the müftü of Bursa who was accused of claiming that the Turkish ezan was not permissible according to Islamic law.32

  • 33 Vakit, February 11, 1933.
  • 34 Cumhuriyet, February 16, 1933.
  • 35 Dahiliye Vekili Şükrü Kaya'dan CHP Genel Sekreteri Recep Peker'e, İstanbul Valisi H. Karabatan'ın 1 (...)
  • 36 DAGMCA, CHP Fonu, Dosya: 3.BÜRO, Fon Kodu: 490..1.0.0, Yer No: 611.121..1.
  • 37 DAGMCA, Yozgat CHP İl Yönetim Kurulu Başkanı'ndan CHP Genel Sekreterliğine özel mektup. 4.22.1936.
  • 38 « Arapça selâ veren Reşat Hakkında ». 1.4.1937. DAGMCA, (Dahiliye Vekili Şükrü Kaya'dan CHP Genel S (...)

28Besides these events in Bursa there were other cases of resistance to the compulsory recital of the Turkish ezan. For instance, the news agency, Anadolu Ajansı, reported another case of two müzezzins who were arrested immediately after they had recited the Arabic ezan.33 In the following week, this time in the town of Biga, another müezzin guilty of reciting the Arabic ezan and an imam who provoked a müezzin into doing the same were arrested.34 There are a few documents in the state archives in Ankara such as official correspondence or circulars between the police, the Secretary-General of the Republican People's Party (RPP), the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the DRA. For instance, according to a report of the Governor of Istanbul presented to the Ministry, four persons were prosecuted for reciting the Arabic call to prayer in two mosques in Istanbul (Erenköy Mosque and Beyoğlu Ağa Mosque) in the month of Ramadan in 1936.35 Similarly, in October 1936, it was reported to the RPP headquarters that the Arabic call to prayer was recited in Maraş.36 Furthermore, in April 1936, the chairman of the RPP branch in Yozgat wrote in a private letter to the RPP General Secretary that a certain Raif Hoca was accused of reciting the Arabic ezan during the lunar eclipse in his village and that he was imprisoned for quite a while.37 This letter shows that the way those who violated the ban were dealt with was arbitrary, depending on the will of the RPP authority in that locality. Another event reported to the Ministry occurred in 1937 in a village (Belevi) of İzmir-Kuşadası where this time a drunken man was arrested for violating the ban.38 Besides these violations of the ban, there were other strategies used to avoid the Turkish ezan. The memoirs of a village preacher in Güneyce in the Black Sea Region, Hafız Mehmet Kara, for instance, who during his childhood was asked by the elder men to recite the Turkish ezan because none of them had wanted to learn and recite it, also tells something about the popular antipathy towards the compulsory Turkish ezan (Kara, 2000 : 92).

The ban on ezan after Atatürk

  • 39 The legal ground of Law 4055 is also mentioned in: Ek: Kanun teklifi, TBMM Tutanak Dergisi, June 16 (...)

29The Turkish ezan was made compulsory by the government until 1941, but it was enforced only indirectly with Article 526 of the Penal Code which penalized those who violated the orders of the government agencies in general. This article was amended with the enactment of Law No. 4055 in June 1941, which specifically stated that those who recited the ezan and kamet in Arabic would be punished with up to three months of imprisonment in a low-security prison or a small fine (Jäschke, 1972: 46; Cündioğlu, 1998: 113). The legal ground for this amendment was stated as the need « to rescue the people from the influence of the Arabic language attaching them to old mentalities and old traditions ».39 This move of the government was paralleled by the attempt of İsmet İnönü, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's successor, to initiate a revival of the language reform, which had lost momentum after the death of Atatürk in 1938 (Heyd, 1954 : 36-37). In fact, İnönü's role in maintaining and consolidating the reform of Turkish ezan was crucial. The ban on the Arabic call to prayer was imposed during his presidency more strictly in parallel with the official campaign for the excision from the language of Arabic and Persian elements (Rustow, 1957: 90; Heyd, 1954).

  • 40 The Ticani order was founded by Ahmed et-Tijani (1737-1815) in the south-west of Algeria and since (...)
  • 41 For interviews conducted by Hasan Hüseyin Ceylan in 1987 with these protestors of the ezan, see Cey (...)
  • 42 For instance, such an arrest on June 28, 1945 was documented in DAGMCA, Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı F (...)
  • 43 Cumhuriyet, February 16, 1949.

30The latent unease concerning the single-party regime's policy on the Turkish ezan surfaced new context of multiparty democracy which began in 1946. The most interesting protest against the Turkish ezan was organized by the members of the Ticaniye (Tijaniyya), a Sufi order of North-African origin, which was led in Turkey by Kemal Pilavoğlu (d. 1976) (Tunaya, 2003 : 191-93, 203).40 Ticanis traveled throughout the 1940s to several towns just to recite the Arabic call to prayer, as a way of conducting a holy war (cihad) against the regime by spreading the word of God across the country.41 Many of them were arrested for breaking the law issued in 1941.42 According to the declaration of the Minister of Justice, Fuat Sirmen, the number of persons who were arrested for breaking the ban on the Arabic ezan was forty-one in 1946, and twenty-nine in 1947.43

  • 44 See for instance the circular that was sent by the DRA's chair, Ahmet Hamdi Akseki, to the Müftü of (...)

31There was a minor sign of softening of official measures concerning the Arabic call to prayer in 1948, when in September the DRA issued a circular stating that the Arabic tekbir during the mevlids, the recital of the Koran (hatim) and the ritual prayers during the religious holidays (bayram namazları) would be exempt from penalty.44 However, the recital of the Arabic ezan or just the tekbir inside and outside of the mosques remained a crime.

  • 45 Cumhuriyet, February 5, 1949 ; TBMM Tutanak Dergisi, February 4, 1949, Period 8, Meeting 3, vol. 16 (...)
  • 46 Cumhuriyet, February 6, 1949.
  • 47 Cumhuriyet, February 5, 1949.

32On February 4, 1949, two adherents of the Ticani order protested against this ban by reciting the Arabic call to prayer from the gallery of the National Assembly during a legislative session.45 The protesters were Muhiddin Ertuğrul, a retired official of the State Railways in Ankara who had been retained in the mental hospital of Bakırköy in Istanbul after one of his earlier attempts to recite the Arabic ezan, and Osman Yaz from the village of Solfasol in Çubuk.46 Both protestors had been arrested earlier for reciting the Arabic ezan in several towns such as Afyon, Eskişehir and Kütahya.47

  • 48 TBMM Tutanak Dergisi, June 16, 1950, Period 9, vol. 1, pp. 181-87.
  • 49 Hürriyet, June 17, 1960. DAGMCA, Başbakanlık Özel Kalem Müdürlüğü, Dosya: D4, Fon Kodu: 30..1.0.0, (...)

33All these protests triggered a tense public debate on the issue of the Turkish ezan between those who defended it as a crucial Kemalist reform and those who saw it as an unjust intervention in the freedom of conscience (vicdan özgürlüğü). When the Democratic Party (DP) won the majority of the votes in the general elections on May 14, 1950, its leadership endorsed the latter position on the issue. The first action of the DP-majority parliament was the lifting of the ban on the recitation of the call to prayer in Arabic on June 16, 1950. The draft of the law was prepared by two deputies, Ahmet Gürkan (deputy for Tokat in 1950-57) and İsmail Berkok (deputy for Kayseri in 1950-1954), who suggested ending this practice which violated the freedom of conscience and contradicted the principle of secularism. The new law (no. 5665) amended Article 526 of the Penal Code by removing the statement « those who recite the Arabic call to prayer » (Arapça ezan ve kamet okuyanlar) (Toprak, 1981: 79; Jäschke, 1972: 46-47; Eroğul, 1990: 58).48 At that time, forty-five persons were being investigated because they had violated the law.49 After the amendment of Article 526, those who were accused of breaking the law before that date were released.

Conclusion

34The 1932 reform which introduced the compulsory call to prayer in Turkish was the result of a nationalist urge to Turkify all fields including religion, a project formulated by the pioneering ideologue of Turkish nationalism, Ziya Gökalp, as early as the 1910s. It was a reform which was inspired by the history of vernacularization in Western Christianity as well as being based on the idea of a national Islam unaffected by foreign (Arab) languages and cultural traditions. The reform stemmed from the conviction of Mustafa Kemal and his close circle that the people needed to learn and practice their religion in their native language in order to have access to the essence of Islam, which was allegedly obstructed by superstitious traditional intermediaries. The underlying assumption in this conviction was a belief concerning the rationality of « true » Islam. This vision of an inherently rational Islam which was adaptable to the needs of modern society was an important constituent of the discourse of Kemalist secularism.

35This reform has not been included in the list of major Kemalist reforms in official history textbooks during the multi-party period. The restoration of the ban on the Arabic call to prayer has not been endorsed except by a small group of intellectuals and politicians. The removal of the ban in 1950 has been seen by Kemalist opinion leaders as a populist and backward step and as betrayal against the Kemalist revolution. Nevertheless, the return to the Arabic call to prayer was perceived by large masses and the conservative nationalist intellectual elite, who were willing to revise Kemalist secularism, as the beginning of an era of freedom.

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Notes

1 Quoted in Erdoğan, 2001 : 256.

2 Milliyet, September 29, 2006.

3 Translation is mine. The Turkish original of the poem reads : Bir ülke ki camiinde Türkçe ezan okunur / Köylü anlar mânâsını namazdaki duânın… / Bir ülke ki mektebinde Türkçe Kur'an okunur. / Küçük, büyük herkes bilir buyruğunu Hudâ'nın… / Ey Türkoğlu, işte senin orasıdır vatanın ! (Cündioğlu, 1998 : 31).

4 Mustafa Sabri served as the last Şeyhülislam in 1919-1920 and because of his opposition to the nationalist struggle had to leave the country in 1922.

5 This sermon was also included in a book which was published in the same year : Gazi M. Kemal Paşa Hazretleri İzmir Yolunda, 1923. See also Atatürk'ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, 1989 : 98. Both the original and simplified versions of the whole sermon can be found in Zülfikar, 1998. The following translation is mine.

6 Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü Cumhuriyet Arşivi (DAGMCA), Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı Fonu, Fon Kodu: 51..0.0.0, Yer No: 2.1..30.

7 DAGMCA, Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı Fonu, Fon Kodu: 51..0.0.0, Yer No: 2.13..5. ; DAGMCA, Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı Fonu, Fon Kodu: 51..0.0.0, Yer No: 2 July. 13.

8 The report can be found in Jäschke, 1972 : 40-42 ; Ergin, 1977 : 1958-61 ; Albayrak, 1991 : 34-35. The report suggested also measures such as introducing contemporary and instrumental music into the places of worship, putting chairs in the mosques, and letting people in to the mosques with their shoes on.

9 The Society for the Study of the Turkish Language, which later became the Turkish Language Society (Türk Dili Tetkik Cemiyeti, later Türk Dil Kurumu) was founded in 1932 with the initiative of Mustafa Kemal in order to boost the language revolution aiming to remove Arabic and Persian words from the language and create a « pure » Turkish language (Zürcher, 1997 : 197-98). The Minister of Education, Reşit Galip played a major role in this revolution as he was also actively involved in the ezan project.

10 The list he prepared included Hafız Sadettin Kaynak, Sultan Selimli Ali Rıza (Sağman), Beşiktaşlı Hafız Rıza, Süleymaniye Camii Başmüzezzini Kemal, Beylerbeyli Fahri, Darüttalim-i Musiki azasından Büyük Zeki, Muallim Nuri and Hafız Burhan Bey (Okur, 1963 : 12). See also Ergin, 1977 : 1939-43 (quoting from Sağman's memoirs).

11 The word Tanrı or Teñri was used in pre-Islamic religions of Turks, as well as in the first translations of the Koran into Turkish, to refer to the word Allah (İnan, 1961 : 13).

12 Sağman was in fact against the recitation of the call to prayer in a language other than Arabic, although he could not express his opinion at the time. He did so, however, in 1950 and celebrated the victory of the Democratic Party and the removal of the ban on the Arabic call to prayer (Sağman, 1950 : 83, 90, 103-5, 116-17).

13 The newspapers of the following days wrote that Hafız Yaşar would recite the Turkish Koran in the Yerebatan Mosque and Yeraltı Mosque. However, what Hafız Yaşar did was to recite a verse of the Koran (Yasin Suresi) in Arabic and afterwards read the translation of Cemil Said (Okur, 1963: 15). Cumhuriyet, January 21-22, 1932.

14 Cumhuriyet, January 25-28, 1932.

15 See a letter written by Hasan Cemil Çambel, a witness to the recital of the call to prayer at the Ayasofya Mosque in Kaplan, 1987: 36-39, 97; Ceylan, 1996a: 33-34.

16 Cumhuriyet, February 3, 1932.

17 The reason why these trials did not continue is not known. There are only speculations about possible reasons. For example, Hafız Ali Rıza Sağman, who was interviewed later in 1958 by the reporter of the newspaper Tercüman, argued that the ending of this practice proved that Atatürk had not found it appropriate (Tercüman, October 10, 1958). However, it is more plausible to argue that the difficulties of supervision of such a practice was the main problem here. The controversy on the reliability of existing Turkish translations of the Koran might have been another reason why this practice was not institutionalized. The strict control of the DRA over the hafızs who were permitted to recite the Turkish Koran supports this argument.

18 Cumhuriyet, January 31, 1932 (also in Cündioğlu, 1998 : 148). Lewis and Jäschke wrongly stated that the first Turkish ezan was recited from the minarets of the Ayasofya Mosque (Lewis, 1968 : 416 ; Jäschke, 1972 : 45). Both writers were probably mistaken by the official history textbook which was published in 1934 and in the section on the « nationalization in religion » referred to the ceremony at the Ayasofya Mosque held on February 3, 1932. See Cündioğlu, 1999 : 110.

19 This translation was published later in an Istanbul newspaper, Milliyet, October 23, 1932; Vakit, November 23, 1932.

20 Vakit, October 20, 1932 ; Milliyet, October 20 and 23, 1932. The committee appointed the tanbur player Dürri Bey as the composer. See the inteview with him on the issue in Milliyet, November 30, 1932.

21 Milliyet, January 2, 1933.

22 The text of the circular can be found in Ceylan, 1996b: 102.

23 There is another related document in the State Archives which is from a later date, the DRA's circular (tamim) about the Turkish version of the call to prayer to the müftüs in January 1934: DAGMCA, Dosya: 2242, Muamelat Genel Müdürlüğü Fonu, Fon Kodu: 30..10.0.0, Yer No: 26.150..21.

24 Milliyet, March 15, 1933.

25 Cumhuriyet, March 3, 1933 (Gez Başak, 1996-1997 : 162).

26 Bayur was the deputy of Manisa in 1933 and the Minister of Education between October 1933 and July 1934. After 1933, he was charged with preparing courses on the history of the Turkish Revolution (İnkılâp Tarihi) at the university level.

27 The original text of the report written on March 5, 1934 by Şerafettin Yaltkaya and İzmirli İsmail Hakkı was titled « Kur'an'ın Türkçe Tercümesiyle Namazda Okunması » was published in 1958 by Hikmet Bayur (1958). Also in Cündioğlu, 1999: 263-68.

28 Vakit, February 6, 1933.

29 This Directorate, namely Evkaf Umum Müdürlüğü, was responsible for the direct administration of religious and the supervision of private vakıfs as well as for the physical upkeep of mosques and (since 1931) the renumeration of clerics (Rustow, 1957: 83).

30 Vakit, February 8, 1933. According to the account of Yücer, which does not indicate the source, Mustafa Kemal delivered a speech, which was later to be referred to as the « Bursa Speech » (Bursa Nutku) during this visit to Bursa (Yücer, 1947: 5-6).

31 Vakit, February 9, 11 and 12, 1933.

32 Cumhuriyet, March 21, 1933.

33 Vakit, February 11, 1933.

34 Cumhuriyet, February 16, 1933.

35 Dahiliye Vekili Şükrü Kaya'dan CHP Genel Sekreteri Recep Peker'e, İstanbul Valisi H. Karabatan'ın 12.27.1935 tarihli şifresini ilişik olarak gönderdiği dilekçe. January 11, 1936. DAGMCA, Başbakanlık Özel Kalem Müdürlüğü fonu, Dosya: D4, Fon Kodu: 30..1.0.0.

36 DAGMCA, CHP Fonu, Dosya: 3.BÜRO, Fon Kodu: 490..1.0.0, Yer No: 611.121..1.

37 DAGMCA, Yozgat CHP İl Yönetim Kurulu Başkanı'ndan CHP Genel Sekreterliğine özel mektup. 4.22.1936.

38 « Arapça selâ veren Reşat Hakkında ». 1.4.1937. DAGMCA, (Dahiliye Vekili Şükrü Kaya'dan CHP Genel Sekreterliğine). During his trial in the criminal court for major crimes in İzmir, he defended himself by saying that he recited the ezan in Turkish, but he did not know that he had to recite the following salâ also in Turkish. Kurun, January 14, 1937.

39 The legal ground of Law 4055 is also mentioned in: Ek: Kanun teklifi, TBMM Tutanak Dergisi, June 16, 1950, Period 9, vol. 1.

40 The Ticani order was founded by Ahmed et-Tijani (1737-1815) in the south-west of Algeria and since then had spread mostly in North Africa. In 1897, an Algerian called Sidi Muhammed al-Ubaidi arrived in Istanbul to establish a lodge (zaviye) of the order in this city (Abun-Nasr, 1965: 161). Pilavoğlu brought the order to Turkey in 1930 after he had an authorization (icazet) from a certain Ahmet Medenî who allowed him to instruct others in the tarikat. Ticanis, who were organized mainly in Ankara-Çubuk and Çorum-Şabanözü. rejected the secularist regime as irreligion and idolatry, and dedicated themselves to fighting against idolatry by destroying the sculptures of Atatürk. The order gradually vanished after Pilavoğlu and about forty of his followers were arrested. Pilavoğlu was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment in July 1952, on the basis of the law which was enacted on July 25, 1951, by the National Assembly to protect Atatürk's memory from such attacks (Thomas, 1952: 22-23).

41 For interviews conducted by Hasan Hüseyin Ceylan in 1987 with these protestors of the ezan, see Ceylan, 1996c: 370-400.

42 For instance, such an arrest on June 28, 1945 was documented in DAGMCA, Diyânet İşleri Başkanlığı Fonu, Fon Kodu: 51..0.0.0, Yer No: 12.103..44.

43 Cumhuriyet, February 16, 1949.

44 See for instance the circular that was sent by the DRA's chair, Ahmet Hamdi Akseki, to the Müftü of Anamur, on September 22, 1948, DAGMCA, Fon Kodu: 51..0.0.0 ; Yer No: 4.31..3.

45 Cumhuriyet, February 5, 1949 ; TBMM Tutanak Dergisi, February 4, 1949, Period 8, Meeting 3, vol. 16, p. 37.

46 Cumhuriyet, February 6, 1949.

47 Cumhuriyet, February 5, 1949.

48 TBMM Tutanak Dergisi, June 16, 1950, Period 9, vol. 1, pp. 181-87.

49 Hürriyet, June 17, 1960. DAGMCA, Başbakanlık Özel Kalem Müdürlüğü, Dosya: D4, Fon Kodu: 30..1.0.0, Yer No: 51.306..2.

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Umut Azak, « Secularism in Turkey as a Nationalist Search for Vernacular Islam », Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée [En ligne], 124 | novembre 2008, mis en ligne le 09 décembre 2011, consulté le 26 juin 2017. URL : http://remmm.revues.org/6025

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Umut Azak

2008/2009 Fellow of « Europe in the Middle east –The Middle East in Europe », a Research Program of the Berlin Brandenburgishe Akademie der Wissenschaften, the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung and the Wissenchaftskolleg zu Berlin.

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